{"id":45549,"date":"2025-06-07T10:57:30","date_gmt":"2025-06-07T07:57:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.thereporterethiopia.com\/?p=45549"},"modified":"2025-06-07T10:57:30","modified_gmt":"2025-06-07T07:57:30","slug":"ethnicity-to-citizenship-the-high-stakes-gamble-to-rewrite-ethiopia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.thereporterethiopia.com\/45549\/","title":{"rendered":"Ethnicity to Citizenship: The High-Stakes Gamble to Rewrite Ethiopia"},"content":{"rendered":"

Peaceful regime change through dialogue or credible democratic elections have rarely been recorded in Ethiopian history, if ever at all. The closest the country has ever come to a peaceful transition of power was during the political upheaval of 2018, which triggered a leadership transition within the ruling coalition itself, eventually transforming from the Ethiopian People\u2019s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to the Prosperity Party.<\/p>\n

\"|<\/p>\n

That internal reconfiguration ignited a wave of political and literal conflicts that persist to this day.<\/p>\n

\u200eIn response to the mounting political crisis, Parliament voted in December 2021 to establish the Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission. Mandated to foster national consensus, the Commission was introduced as an initiative to open dialogue on the country\u2019s fundamental political questions.<\/p>\n

Despite resistance from several opposition groups\u2014many of whom question its legality and constitutionality\u2014the Commission remains operational.<\/p>\n

\u200eLast week, the Prosperity Party, along with various federal institutions and unaffiliated civic groups, submitted their agendas to the Commission. Documents obtained by The Reporter<\/em> reveal the federal government is preparing a sweeping constitutional reform package that could redefine Ethiopia\u2019s federal structure.<\/p>\n

\u200eThe preamble of the government\u2019s 30-page submission to the Commission highlights the complex nature of constitutional reform.<\/p>\n

\u200e\u201cThere are numerous articles, provisions, issues, and challenges in the Constitution that may require revision or amendment. These need to be addressed through broad dialogue, debate, and consensus. If the goal of an amendment is to benefit the people and citizens, then amending the Constitution may not be too difficult. However, due to the fact that the Constitution has not been genuinely sovereign or truly constitutional in practice\u2014and has never been meaningfully tested\u2014amending it could pose some challenges. In fact, amending such an untested law may even appear as though introducing an entirely new constitution,\u201d it reads.<\/p>\n

Many analysts and commentators have speculated from the outset that the dialogue would lead towards an attempt at constitutional reform. The latest developments have drawn the ire of senior political figures like \u200eMulatu Gemechu, vice chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), who argues that the amendment process lacks legitimacy.<\/p>\n

\u200e\u201cOne cannot just pop out of a commission and decide to amend [the Constitution]. I was there when it was created. Every element of the Constitution was put in intentionally,\u201d he told The Reporter.<\/em><\/p>\n

\u200eHis party has distanced itself from the Dialogue Commission, citing concerns over impartiality.<\/p>\n

\u200e\u201cThe first thing we demanded was for it to be structured as an independent entity\u2014not one that shields the interests of any group. It should have been free from the government and political parties and treated all participants equally. That didn\u2019t happen,\u201d said Mulatu.<\/p>\n

He argues that his party\u2019s quest for a transitional government was swiftly dismissed as a threat to national unity, despite a pledge from the Commission to include \u201cany inquiry under the heavens\u201d in its nationwide dialogue campaign.<\/p>\n

\u200e\u201cA commission that has never garnered a genuine people\u2019s mandate cannot be trusted to oversee constitutional amendments,\u201d said Mulatu.<\/p>\n

\u200eDejen Mezgebe (PhD), chairman of the Tigray Independence Party (TIP), believes the proposal for constitutional amendment reflects Ethiopia\u2019s political complexity.<\/p>\n

\u200e\u201cThe only way to amend the Constitution is through the procedures outlined in the Constitution itself,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

\"|<\/p>\n

Dejen described the two-thirds majority vote needed in the House of People\u2019s Representatives to ratify a constitutional amendment as \u201cthe easy part.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u200eThe real challenge, he notes, lies in changing Ethiopia\u2019s federal structure from one based on ethnicity to one based on geography.<\/p>\n

\u200e”Yes, countries like Australia are geographically federal. But does Ethiopia\u2019s political reality truly allow for that?\u201d asked Dejen.<\/p>\n

\u200eThe government insists that the ideas in its submission are intended for dialogue and research\u2014not finalized policy.<\/p>\n

\u200eNevertheless, the document includes a number of controversial proposals. Among them are changing the national flag, amending Article 39, which enshrines the right to self-determination and secession, and replacing ethnicity-based regional boundaries with geography-based ones<\/p>\n

A segment of the agenda document, titled \u2018Constitution, Nation, Nationality, People, and Citizenship\u2019<\/em>, critiques the Constitution for failing to clearly distinguish between group and individual rights, identity and citizenship, and group autonomy versus individual equality.<\/p>\n

It calls for \u201cthe supremacy of citizenship.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u200e”This is not only a central philosophical foundation of the Constitution but also a tool to determine sovereignty, fundamental principles (like autonomy), and administrative structures,” it reads.<\/p>\n

\u200e”Citizenship must have a more defined presence in the Constitution. This includes: Establishing an independent institution to protect individual rights; recognizing citizenship in a manner that reflects all Ethiopians \u2014 without distinctions based on culture, identity, locality, population size, or history.”<\/p>\n

Opposition figures view the rhetoric with suspicion.<\/p>\n

\u200e\u201cYes, the Constitution should be amended\u2014we support that. But the rights of nations, nationalities, and peoples must never be touched,\u201d says Mulatu. \u200e\u201cIf we revert to geographic regional statehood, we\u2019re undoing everything people fought for: respect for language, culture, and identity. That would be a return to a unitary system.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u200eOFC\u2019s idea of a sound constitutional amendment would include expanding the list of official languages, and granting greater autonomy to regional states.<\/p>\n

\u200e”The issue is not that we didn’t have a more federalist constitution, it is that we have never had a government that practices it entirely. Theoretically, we are a federal state but practically we have been with a government system where power moves from top to bottom.\u00a0 That is not how federalism works,” he said.<\/p>\n

\u200eTIP\u2019s Dejen echoes the concern.<\/p>\n

\u200e\u201cThis amendment proposal is dangerous, especially for Tigray, which currently has no official or legal representation in federal institutions. Any amendment before Tigray returns to the constitutional order would create a generational crisis,\u201d he warns.<\/p>\n

\"|<\/p>\n

\u200eThe government\u2019s document acknowledges that Ethiopia\u2019s ethnic federalism\u2014rooted in Article 39\u2014grants extensive autonomy to regions defined by ethnolinguistic identity, including the right to secede.<\/p>\n

\u200eThough the framework was apparently intended to protect minority, it has nevertheless been criticized for fueling ethnic divisions and border conflicts.<\/p>\n

\u200eThe document warns that this model could hypothetically create over 80 federal states. It also introduces conditions under which secession might be restricted. These include clear institutional and procedural guidelines, criteria such as population size, economic viability, and documented rights violations, supermajority thresholds during referenda, agreements with affected regions, protections for minorities and individuals who wish to retain former affiliations, and clear arrangements for property-sharing<\/p>\n

\u200eThe government argues that redrawing regional borders could enhance administrative efficiency and national cohesion.<\/p>\n

\u200eAnalysts interviewed by The Reporter<\/em> acknowledge that shifting from ethnicity-based governance could reduce conflict and build unity. But critics warn that it could also erode hard-won rights and deepen longstanding grievances.<\/p>\n

Likewise, public opinion is mixed.<\/p>\n

\u200eA 2023 Afrobarometer survey found that \u200e39 percent\u00a0of Ethiopians support removing the emblem from the national flag, a similar percentage supports amending Article 39, while two-thirds want more federal working languages, and another 66 percent support imposing term limits on the prime ministership.<\/p>\n

\u200eThese results suggest a national appetite for reform\u2014but not necessarily consensus on how.<\/p>\n

\u200eRegional reactions are also mixed. Oromia and Somali regions favor preserving the current model, while Amhara and parts of the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples\u2019 Region (SNNPR) show growing support for change.<\/p>\n

\u200eConstitutional reform in Ethiopia requires a two-thirds majority in both houses of Parliament and ratification by a majority of state councils\u2014a high bar given the divisive nature of the proposals.<\/p>\n

\u200eLegal scholars caution that altering foundational provisions\u2014particularly Article 39\u2014without widespread support could destabilize the already fragile political order.<\/p>\n

\u200e\u201cThe process must be transparent, inclusive, and participatory,\u201d said one legal expert , speaking on condition of anonymity. \u201cWithout legitimacy, no reform can last.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u200eThe proposed shift to geographic federalism represents the most significant transformation of Ethiopia\u2019s political architecture since the fall of the Derg regime.<\/p>\n

\u200eProponents see it as a chance to heal ethnic divisions and foster national identity. Opponents fear it could marginalize minorities and reverse decades of hard-fought recognition.<\/p>\n

\u200eAs Ethiopia approaches this constitutional crossroads, the true test lies not just in what is proposed\u2014but in who gets to participate, and whether every voice is heard.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Peaceful regime change through dialogue or credible democratic elections have rarely been recorded in Ethiopian history, if ever at all. The closest the country has ever come to a peaceful transition of power was during the political upheaval of 2018, which triggered a leadership transition within the ruling coalition itself, eventually transforming from the Ethiopian […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":68,"featured_media":45553,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"editor_plus_copied_stylings":"{}","ngg_post_thumbnail":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1957],"tags":[1959],"class_list":{"0":"post-45549","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-in-depth","8":"tag-front"},"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thereporterethiopia.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/45549","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thereporterethiopia.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thereporterethiopia.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thereporterethiopia.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/68"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thereporterethiopia.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=45549"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.thereporterethiopia.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/45549\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thereporterethiopia.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/45553"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thereporterethiopia.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=45549"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thereporterethiopia.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=45549"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thereporterethiopia.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=45549"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}